President Erhürman addresses the Antalya Diplomacy Forum:
“The Turkish Cypriot people will continue to exist on this island”
“The Turkish Cypriot people have the will for a solution”
“We will continue to remain at the table”
President Tufan Erhürman spoke at the Talks Panel at the Antalya Diplomacy Forum on Saturday, held at the NEST Congress and Exhibition Centre in Antalya. The event drew significant interest, with President Erhürman attracting considerable attention and receiving a standing ovation following his remarks.
President Erhürman stated the following at the panel:
“Although I come from a political background, the Presidency is an independent and impartial office, and therefore I do not currently consider myself as being engaged in day-to-day politics, I do however remain fully aware of the realities of contemporary politics. Both during the presidential election and following its conclusion and the announcement of the results, I have always stated that, all Presidents and leaders in Cyprus to date have conducted the Cyprus issue and the island’s foreign policy in close consultation and coordination with the Republic of Türkiye. I stated that I would be among those leaders who would continue in this manner, and over the past six months, this has indeed been the case. I am confident that we will get to know each other even better, and I wish to underline, as a general observation, that none of the doubts expressed have any basis in reality.”
In response to a question on the Cyprus issue, President Erhürman stated:
“As I mentioned earlier whilst describing myself, I am a lawyer who has spent a significant part of my life practising and teaching law, where concepts are very important. However, there is something more important than concepts. All lawyers know this: that is, the legal substance, the content. In fact, we have a principle: if there is a contract, its legal nature is determined by the court. Regardless of what name you give it, its legal concept is determined in law by examining the substance. Therefore, this is what I stated before, and I have maintained it after taking office. In the talks currently being conducted under the auspices of the United Nations, I have consistently stated that the Turkish Cypriot people are one of the two equal co-founding partners on this island. This is a legal status that cannot be altered by anyone. As one of the two equal co-founding partners on this island, the Turkish Cypriot people, like the Greek Cypriot people, possess sovereignty rights.
Whatever the Greek Cypriots claim sovereignty rights over, the Turkish Cypriot people also have sovereignty rights over the same matters, and these are equal sovereignty rights. Therefore, as the current President of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, and throughout my previous political life, there is one thing I can never accept: that the Turkish Cypriots on this island be treated as non-existent. No one can make decisions, establish international relations, or sign international agreements as if the Turkish Cypriots do not exist. My position is very clear. There is the issue of hydrocarbons on the island. Energy is one of the most significant issues in international relations at present, and where there is energy, security is also a core concern. In such a context, where maritime jurisdiction areas are involved, the Greek Cypriot side does not have the right to sign international agreements or forge alliances in these areas without the consent of the Turkish Cypriot people. On what basis do I say this? I do not present this merely as a political argument; whilst it is indeed a political argument, it also has legal foundations.
Consider that even in the 1960 Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus, when a decision regarding security was to be taken, our Vice President, late Dr. Fazıl Küçük, had the right of veto. That is, even though the Greek Cypriots held a numerical majority in the Council of Ministers, and the President was a Greek Cypriot, our Vice President had the power to veto any decision related to security simply by raising his hand.
We are now witnessing recent developments, including agreements signed with the United States and France on security, energy, natural gas, and maritime jurisdictions. The will of the Turkish Cypriot people has not been reflected in any of these agreements. This must be acknowledged by the international community and acted upon accordingly. Whilst the Greek Cypriot side is currently trying to reduce us to a position of non-existence on the island in these matters, what we seek is to ensure the acceptance of the position that “no -- these are areas of shared competences on this island.” This is a political argument with solid legal foundations.
Therefore, in any solution to be found on the island, our objective is to establish a structure in which the sovereignty rights of the Turkish Cypriot people in the areas I have recounted, are not violated. I am stating the following very clearly: For example, there are some unitary states, some confederations, some federations, and some two State solutions. Just look and see which one resembles the other, and to what extent. For instance, there is a federation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and there is also a federation in the United States of America. No knowledgeable person would claim that they are the same. Switzerland was founded as a confederation, yet today it is referred to in literature as a federation. Let us consider unitary states. The unitary state of the Republic of Türkiye and the unitary state of Spain. Spain has autonomous regional administrations. Can you equate Spain’s structure with that of Türkiye? Therefore, rather than focusing on labels, I am focused on the rights of my people.
What are the rights of the Turkish Cypriot people? At present, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus has a judiciary, a parliament, an executive, and a presidency -- does it constitute a State? Yes, it does.
Does the fact that it is not formally recognised elsewhere, except by the Republic of Türkiye, eliminate its statehood? No, it does not. However, the sovereignty rights on the island of the Turkish Cypriot people, who constitute the people of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, are currently being violated.
We are determined to secure these rights by all necessary means.
Once we achieve this, academics can sit down and write books about what to call it.
We have the experience of the UN Comprehensive Settlement Annan Plan. Some described it as a two State solution, others as a confederation, and others as a loose federation. But our conclusion is this: Wherever hydrocarbons are found in Cyprus -- whether in the south or the north – I am an equal partner.
If an agreement is to be made with a state that kills children, and moreover if that agreement risks both the security and the will of the Turkish Cypriot people, my people would not accept such an agreement being signed without their consent. I am referring to Israel.
If an alliance to be established with a state that kills children is carried out by violating the will and sovereignty of the Turkish Cypriot people, I shall convey this to all parts of the international community. This is a violation of my sovereignty rights, within my equal sovereignty rights. Therefore, as I have said, if we speak not only about concepts but rather include substance to the concepts, we will understand each other much more easily. At present, I am focused on substance and on securing the historically established rights of my people, and the Turkish Cypriot people will never abandon this struggle. I do not understand why there is doubt regarding the Turkish Cypriot people.
The historical struggle of the Turkish Cypriot people is something we can never abandon. I wish to reiterate this as it is very important for me.
A proper assessment of the identity formation process of the Turkish Cypriot people from 1878 to the present, clearly shows that the Turkish Cypriot people will never accept minority status. Their entire struggle has been built upon this very principle. Thus, currently, there is still no such possibility for the Turkish Cypriot people. Turkish Cypriots are a people who seek political equality and sovereignty rights. They also possess the political will for a solution.
The Turkish Cypriot people clearly demonstrated their will for a solution in 2004, and again in 2017. They did so not alone, but together with the Republic of Türkiye. The statements made two days ago by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan are very clear, and this must also be understood by all.
What did President Erdoğan state? He stated that “we support a just, viable and sustainable solution on this island, and that it is not possible for the isolation imposed on the Turkish Cypriot people to be accepted”.
In the report by the Secretary-General of the United Nations following the 2004 referenda, it is stated that ‘there is no rationale for the isolation.’ In the decision of the EU, it is also stated that there is no justification for the isolation. Yet, the Turkish Cypriot people continue to be subjected to unjust isolation, their fundamental sovereignty rights are violated, and their status as one of the two equal co-founding partners on the island is violated.
Despite this, they continue to maintain their will for a solution together with the Republic of Türkiye.
In full coordination with the Republic of Türkiye, we are fully aware of what we are saying and doing, and we expect the international community to understand this clearly.
They say the world has entered a new phase, where it is governed not by rules or principles but by power relations. In my view, a rules-based life is a hallmark of civilisation. Resolving disputes through diplomacy and dialogue is also a hallmark of civilisation. Humanity has passed through many periods where civilisation was set aside, yet each time it returned to a rules-based order, and dialogue and consultation were re-embraced as a mechanism of resolving conflicts. The most striking example is the period after the Second World War. Let us hope such times do not recur, but civilisation will once again return to a rules-based order, where diplomacy and dialogue prevail, and this will enable the Turkish Cypriot people -- who are in the right – to obtain their rights which they are duly entitled to. I have no doubt of that.”
In response to a question regarding his meeting with Antonio Guterres, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, President Erhürman stated:
“We met Mr. Guterres about a month ago. This morning, we also held a meeting with Ms. Rosemary A. DiCarlo, Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs. In between, we also held meetings with Ms. Maria Angela Holguín Cuéllar, the Personal Envoy of the UN Secretary-General. In all these meetings, we conveyed the same message. Mr. Guterres had emphasised after Crans-Montana that ‘there have been talks on this issue for many years without reaching a solution, and that if something is to take place again, this time must be different.’ Mr. Guterres himself advocated a phased approach. Accordingly, we worked on what would make this time different and assumed office with that preparation.
Before entering the field -- or before the ‘game’ begins, so to speak -- the rules of the game should be made clear. Where should we derive these rules from? We are in a position to derive these rules from past negotiation experiences. We are compelled to identify where the problems were and produce the solutions accordingly. Everyone knows. . . the same point is being made in the statements made by us and the Republic of Türkiye. What is the source of the problem and the reason why there has been no solution in Cyprus for 60 years? The source of the problem and the reason why a solution has not been reached is clear: On this issue, statements issued by us and the Republic of Türkiye are the same. The source of the problem is that all the Greek Cypriot leaderships do not wish to share the island’s natural resources, prosperity and power with the Turkish Cypriots. This is the common point of action.
They know that if they continue to refuse to share with us, there will be no solution. The first element of our four-point methodology is a commitment, even prior to the start of negotiations, to the principle of political equality, including the reaffirmation of the principle of a rotating presidency. This is also something that is contained in United Nations Security Council resolutions.
We are indeed speaking about the acceptance of political equality, which of course includes the principle of a rotating presidency. Our four-point methodology also has an internal sequencing, in which we do not proceed to the second point before the first has been agreed. What is the second point? If political equality is accepted, let me remind you of that. . .
Why are we insisting on political equality? Because we know very well that the night before last at Crans-Montana, it was stated that a rotating presidency would categorically not be accepted. So, what is rotating presidency? I am not putting a label on it. The shared competences I just referred to will be governed there, and we will know that, throughout history, a Turkish Cypriot will never be able to lead that structure as President. As a lawyer, I do not consider this to be political equality. Therefore, if you accept this, we can proceed.
We will also, in principle, confirm all previous convergences achieved to date. The new process will be results-oriented and time-framed. We have no intention of wearing ourselves out at the negotiating table for another 10 years.
There is also another point which is very important: if negotiations fail again due to the Greek Cypriot side dragging its feet, the Turkish Cypriots will not be condoned to their current status. This is because following the 2004 referenda, Mr. Annan had stated in the report I mentioned earlier that, after the Turkish Cypriot “yes” vote, there was no longer any legitimate justification or rationale for keeping them isolated, however my athletes still cannot compete in international competitions today, my businesspeople and academics still face difficulties in representation abroad, and my archaeologists’ academic work is still prevented from being published in international journals, to name a few.
The isolation was supposed to be lifted -- that was what Mr. Annan had stated. The Direct Trade Regulation was one of the three regulations the European Union promised to us. Two of them were implemented, but after joining the EU, the Greek Cypriot side together with Greece blocked the Direct Trade Regulation in the EU organs.
We have all these experiences. We have no quarrel with anyone. However, our rights are there, and we will not allow them to be violated. Therefore, from this point onwards, the methodology is clear.
We are proposing a phased approach. We are saying that eight or nine years have passed since Crans-Montana and there have been no negotiations that we can call meaningful during this period. Moreover, during these years, you have signed agreements on security, energy and maritime jurisdiction areas with various countries, but you have been excluding us, which has further undermined our trust. Therefore, we first need mechanisms to build and strengthen trust between the sides.
I use the following expression: Let us first meet face to face in Nicosia, and let us jointly take decisions on confidence-building measures that will make life easier for both the Turkish Cypriot people and the Greek Cypriot people.
I also want to underline this. He refers to it as ‘5+1.’ What he actually means by ‘5+1’ is the following: It is regrettable that the Greek Cypriot leadership has consistently sought to treat the Republic of Türkiye, rather than the Turkish Cypriot side, as their interlocutor. The same pattern is being repeated. I am saying this: no one can expect the two leaders who have not been capable to even open a new crossing point in Nicosia, to resolve the comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus problem which has been continuing for 60 years.
Therefore, in the first stage, we take steps in Nicosia on confidence-building measures. In the second stage, our four-point methodology applies; we reach agreement there. In the third stage, if these conditions are in place, then we can continue and start formal negotiations.
There is a message I have been conveying to the Greek Cypriot leadership for a long time, from prior to being elected as President, when I was leader of the main opposition, which is: “I understand what you are doing and what you are trying to do. You believe that by arming yourselves and aligning with major powers you will create a military balance against the Republic of Türkiye, and I understand your effort is for this objective. Let me say this clearly from the outset: this is a futile effort. It is not realistic. It is not possible. But there is another consequence. I apologise for having to use a rather colloquial expression as we are in the last five minutes of this panel. If you imagine “big brothers will stand behind me and I will feel safe”, know that in no geography do those big brothers remain behind you. They move in front of you. And your own will would be seriously undermined.
Secondly, the idea that “big brothers will come” risks the entire island, because Cyprus is a very small island. Decisions taken without the will of the Turkish Cypriot people endanger not only your people but also mine. My people do not accept being put at risk through decisions taken without their own will. I have been explaining this for four years. You know, those who say, ‘they did not know me before?’ If they look at the earlier period as well, they will see it is there. I have been explaining this for four or five years. Unfortunately, in the recent period, it has materialised. So, what happened? It was said that there was an attack on the Sovereign Base Areas. But note this: French President Macron came to the island. Greek Prime Minister Mitsotakis came to the island. Yet they did not visit the areas where the British Bases are located -- they visited Paphos. Where is Paphos? It is where the Andreas Papandreou Air Base is located. And what is this air base? It is the air base, the use of which has been granted on a preferential basis to Israel. Therefore, the agreements concluded have put not only the Greek Cypriot people but also the Turkish Cypriot people at risk.
Of course, we have reassurances in this respect as Turkish F-16s arrived. French frigates arrived, including the “Charles de Gaulle”, the Netherlands sent naval assets, and the British have already deployed military assets due to the Bases. Other countries have also arrived. However, when six F-16s were dispatched from the Republic of Türkiye, Mr. Christodoulides said “they did not take permission from me”. End of a joke!
There is something I have stated very clearly both before and after assuming office: we are a people who seek a solution, a people with a clear solution-oriented will. We will work in coordination with the Republic of Türkiye towards a solution. Can we (the Turkish Cypriot side and the Greek Cypriot side) return to the negotiating table? I have already outlined the phased approach required. Even if we cannot reach the negotiating table, we will still continue talks. We shall never leave the table. Whoever wishes to leave can do so. But we also say this: there is a table for dialogue, and there is also a world beyond it.
We have no intention of being confined solely to the dialogue table. Since before 2010 we have been an observer member of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. More recently, we have been accepted as an observer member of the Organisation of Turkic States.
Therefore, whilst we continue our engagement in these organisations, we will also continue efforts to develop our bilateral relations. Our observer status in the Organisation of Turkic States and in the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation is extremely valuable to us. We sincerely thank the Republic of Türkiye for her contribution to securing this status, as well as the representatives of the Turkic States and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, and we will continue working to further develop these relations.
In other words, there is a table at which we are engaged in dialogue with full sincerity. However, this does not mean that there is no world beyond that table, or that we must be confined to it. Whilst I do not mean to criticise any of our past leaders, that is precisely how things were for us in the past. Naturally, we have drawn lessons from those experiences. From now on, we will continue on our path -- informed by those lessons.
Accordingly, we aim to further develop our relations with the Organisation of Turkic States and with the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, and we will continue to make every effort in this regard.
Let everyone know this: the Turkish Cypriot people have sustained their existence in Cyprus under the most difficult conditions. They have always existed, and they will continue to exist."